Theresa May wrong to pass spy law, and DRIPA opinion proves it—MP says

Deputy Labour leader says judicial oversight is crucial as he attacks PM's snoop tactics.

Glyn Moody
Will the CJEU judges agree with the Attorney General on DRIPA?
Politicians, lawyers, and civil rights groups have slammed the UK government's present and future surveillance laws in light of the advocate general's opinion on the Data Retention and Investigatory Powers Act (DRIPA)—which said that Theresa May's emergency spy law is legal if strong safeguards are in place.
On closer analysis, the full text of AG Henrik Saugmandsgaard Øe's views go much further in implicitly criticising the UK's snooping approach than had been initially suggested by a press release put out by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) on Tuesday.
Labour's deputy leader Tom Watson—who, alongside Tory MP and the government's new Brexit chief David Davis—brought the original legal action against the UK's DRIPA legislation, said: "This legal opinion shows the prime minister was wrong to pass legislation when she was home secretary that allows the state to access huge amounts of personal data without evidence of criminality or wrongdoing."
Human rights group Liberty, which represented Watson in the courts, said that if the CJEU judges agree with the advocate general’s opinion, "the decision could stop the government’s fatally flawed Investigatory Powers Bill in its tracks and mark a watershed moment in the fight for a genuinely effective, lawful, and targeted system of surveillance that keeps British people safe and respects their rights."
Similarly, Privacy International labelled the opinion "a serious blow to the UK's Investigatory Powers Bill."
The home office unsurprisingly disputed the claims. A Whitehall spokesperson told Ars: "The government’s view remains that the existing regime for the acquisition of communications data and the proposals in the Investigatory Powers Bill are compatible with EU law."
Many of those responding to Tuesday's opinion emphasised the main finding that "solely the fight against serious crime is an objective in the general interest that is capable of justifying a general obligation to retain data, whereas combating ordinary offences and the smooth conduct of proceedings other than criminal proceedings are not."
Open Rights' Group executive director Jim Killock said:
The advocate general has stated that data retention should only be used in the fight against serious crime, yet in the UK there are more than half a million requests for communications data each year. These do not only come from police but also local councils and government departments. It is difficult to see how the government can claim that these organisations are investigating serious crimes.
Defining what exactly counts as "serious crimes" looks set to be a hot topic in the data retention debate.

"Serious crime includes theft of a Mars bar"

Law lecturer TJ McIntyre, who played a crucial role in winning the earlier CJEU surveillance case for Digital Rights Ireland, tweeted: "Serious crime must become an autonomous EU concept, then. In Irish law serious crime includes theft of [a] Mars bar."
The need for greater clarity was a point picked up by Jan Philipp Albrecht, an expert on privacy and data protection in the European Parliament who recently helped steer the GDPR through the EU. He told Ars:
While naming the various high requirements as minimum standards and making clear that even if meeting those data retention laws may still be unproportionate [the advocate general] fails to deliver for clear indications whether and when these requirements would not be met by a member states’ law.
We can only hope that the judges of the court will not allow themselves to be that vague when interpreting the EU fundamental rights vis-à-vis member states’ laws.
Then home secretary Theresa May—speaking in November, 2015—revealing for the first time that British security services have intercepted bulk communications data of UK citizens for years.
Enlarge / Then home secretary Theresa May—speaking in November, 2015—revealing for the first time that British security services have intercepted bulk communications data of UK citizens for years.
The full opinion imposes some very stringent requirements that governments must meet if their data retention schemes are to be legal, added McIntyre in a series of tweets. He pointed out that the advocate general suggests that the safeguards mentioned by the CJEU when delivering its verdict on the Digital Rights Ireland case are all mandatory. These concern "access to the data, the period of retention, and the protection and security of the data."
Data security is particularly relevant to the UK's IP Bill, which will require ISPs to retain highly personal information about their subscribers' Internet use on local databases. Unless the security of these databases can be reasonably guaranteed, use of so-called Internet Connection Records may fall foul of EU law, if the CJEU judges follow the advocate general's reasoning on this issue.
Watson—who declined to comment when quizzed by Ars about Davis' exit from the DRIPA case following his appointment as Brexit secretary of state—also flagged up another concern: "The opinion makes it clear that information including browsing history and phone data should not be made available to the security services and other state bodies without independent authorisation," he said.
"The security services have an important job to do, but judicial oversight is vital if we are to maintain the right balance between civil liberties and state power."
Privacy International agreed: "All access to our data, including communications data, must be authorised by an independent authority such as a judge."
Killock also fretted about this aspect. The ORG boss said: "If the IP Bill is passed, data will be able to be analysed without a warrant through an intrusive tool known as the Request Filter."
As comments from different quarters suggest, the advocate general's opinion seems to offer plenty of scope for legal challenges to the IP Bill, provided the judges at Europe's highest court agree with his views. The fact that it is strongly rooted in the CJEU's reasoning in the Digital Rights Ireland case appears to make this more likely.
The final judgment is expected in a few months, at which point the DRIPA case will be passed back to the UK courts to consider in light of the CJEU's ruling on the underlying law.

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