Frederick Kempe
U.S.
President Donald Trump (R), French President Emmanuel Macron (L) and
German Chancellor Angela Merkel (C) at the start of the first working
session of the G-20 meeting in Hamburg, Germany, on July 7, 2017.
John MacDougall | AFP | Getty Images
While listening to President Trump
announce
the European travel ban in his Oval Office address, my mind wandered
back in time to the early G20 meetings of finance ministers and heads of
government in 2009 when the United States and its European partners
worked together to
head off a global financial meltdown.
I
then traveled back a little further in time to the terrorist attacks of
9/11, a day on which I found myself traveling on the Eurostar between
London and Brussels, my two homes at the time. For the first time in
NATO’s history, our European and Canadian allies
triggered the alliance’s Article 5 commitment to common defense.
Going back to read the
language
of this provision, written in 1949 to deter Soviet aggression, it
struck me that Trump could have produced a far more presidential moment
this week if he had done what the Europeans did for the United States
back then. He should offer the transatlantic community an Article 5
declaration of war against this deadly pathogen.
If NATO could
bend Article 5 to combat a non-state terrorist actor striking the United
States, why not also to combat the Chinese-originated COVID-19, which
by Friday had infected more than 28,000 individuals and killed more than
1,200 among NATO allies. Given current transatlantic divisions, there
is far greater need now than after 9/11 for a symbolic gesture of unity.
President
Trump could have confounded his critics, calmed markets and perhaps
even outlined common cause efforts – including travel limitations –
that he and his administration had agreed to during consultations with
our NATO partners and the European Union. “Article 5 provides that an
attack on one of us is an attack on all,” he could have said, Three
Muskateer-like. “It’s all for one, and one for all!”
There’s also a
strong America First reason why President Trump should have leaned more
in that direction. He’s going to need Europe, just as the United States
did in 2009, as this health crisis is quickly becoming a markets and
financial crisis that could be addressed far more effectively through
coordinated public health and fiscal stimulus measures.
Though no
one wishes the world a financial crisis of the 2008 and 2009 dimensions,
it would be irresponsible not to begin talks among the world’s major
economies and democracies about what strains they see in the system and
what contingency planning they should be undertaking should the
coronavirus economic slowdown continue. Compared to 2009, the world’s
record debt levels and its low to negative interest rates provide far less capability and then demand even more common cause.
Instead,
what unfolded on 3/11/2020 in Europe and the United States were events
that further underscored how divided the United States and its European
partners are when they should be most united. Without consulting our
allies at all, he implemented the ban – which took effect at midnight
Friday in an Oval Office address on all American television networks
that left his own national security team scratching their heads,
correcting mistakes (cargo wouldn’t be banned, as the President
initially said), and filling in critical omissions (Americans could
still travel home from Europe).
The result was one of the harshest responses ever recorded from EU leaders to an American President. A
joint statement
by President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, and
President of the European Council, Charles Michel, read: “The
Coronavirus is a global crisis, not limited to any continent and it
requires cooperation rather than unilateral action. The European Union
disapproves of the fact that the U.S. decision to impose a travel ban
was taken unilaterally and without consultation. The European Union is
taking strong action to limit the spread of the virus.”
“When it
comes to solidarity and unity, the United States is failing the
coronavirus test,” Benjamin Haddad, the director of the Atlantic
Council’s Future Europe Initiative,
wrote
in the Washington Post. “President Trump’s speech Wednesday on the
response to COVID-19 marked one of the most consequential foreign policy
turning points of his presidency. This moment represents the lowest
point in transatlantic relations in recent memory.”
Sadly, the
recent days have also shown how divided Europeans are among themselves,
with Italians that there call for help has brought insufficient
assistance to the country so far hardest hit in Europe by the virus. At
previous such times of European uncertainty, the United States could
provide necessary glue to keep everyone together.
″….it’s time now
for the EU to go beyond engagement and consultations,” Maurizio
Massari, the Italian permanent representative to the European Union,
wrote in Politico, “with emergency actions that are quick, concrete and effective.”
He
complained that “not a single EU country” had responded to Italy’s call
to active the European Union Mechanism of Civil Protection for the
supply of medical equipment for individual protection. “Only China
responded bilaterally. Certainly, this is not a good sign of European
solidarity.”
Unimaginably, Italian newspapers were full of
Beijing’s outreach to help on the very same day that President Trump
declared his European travel ban.
A plane carrying a team of specialist doctors with battleground experience fighting the virus
left China on Wednesday
for Italy, the European epicenter of the pandemic, with urgently needed
medical equipment. That includes 2 million facemasks, 20,0000
protective suits and 10,000 ventilators.
The gesture was widely publicized in China and
Italy. A report in
China Daily
said that thanks to donations from people living in the East China
Zhejian province, some 4,556 boxes of disaster-relief materials were on
their way to Italy. More than 300,000 people from the province live and
work in Italy.
Crises either make institutions and relationships
stronger or weaker, but they don’t leave them unchanged. A pandemic’s
political danger is that countries – just like some individuals – feel
that it’s everyone for themselves.
Yet after an unforgivable
initial delay, Europeans are beginning to show more solidarity among
themselves. EU leaders have committed 25 billion euros to respond to the
economic fallout, of which $7.5 billion euros should be available
quickly to provide emergency necessities.
Now it’s the United
States’ turn to mend the message of this week. As fanciful as this idea
might sound, it’s time to invoke NATO’s Article 5 to tackle the virus.
It may take that dramatic of a symbolic action to repair the
transatlantic damage that has been done.
Frederick Kempe is a
best-selling author, prize-winning journalist and president & CEO
of the Atlantic Council, one of the United States’ most influential
think tanks on global affairs. He worked at The Wall Street Journal for
more than 25 years as a foreign correspondent, assistant managing editor
and as the longest-serving editor of the paper’s European edition. His
latest book – “Berlin 1961: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Most Dangerous
Place on Earth” – was a New York Times best-seller and has been
published in more than a dozen languages. Follow him on Twitter @FredKempe and subscribe here to Inflection Points, his look each Saturday at the past week’s top stories and trends.
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